History of Auckland City
Introduction |
If at first you don't succeed (1840-1871) |
Building a solid city (1871-1918) |
On the trail of the modernising city (1919-1945) |
Thinking and being metropolitan (1945-1971) |
The 1971 centenary (occasion and setting) |
Progressing towards abolition (1971-1989) |
Writ large: the 'new' City Council from 1990 |
Selected Auckland City chronology (1840-1998) |
Mayors |
City and metropolitan population 1841-1998 |
Graham Bush
Chapter 6: Progressing towards abolition (1971-1989)
Responses to development and congestion
Despite the completion
of the first reviewed district planning scheme in 1970, the function demanded
mounting attention. There were gladiatorial battles over major shopping centres
in Remuera and Meadowbank, special studies of three older inner-city suburbs,
preparation of a central business district traffic plan (1973), and, from 1974,
the second review of the district scheme. Before this became operative in 1981,
the 1977 revision of town and country planning legislation compelled the process
to be relearnt. Innovations of the mid 1980s were the ordinance prohibiting the
unauthorised felling or pruning of certain trees and appointment of a planning
commissioner to expedite the handling of minor and uncontentious applications,
this enabling completion of the third review, which attracted 2,600 objections
and 36,000 counter-objections, just before the 1989 elections at an estimated
cost of $4,000,000.
Though neither a funder,
planner, nor provider of public transport, the Council had a key stake in
ensuring mobility and combatting congestion. It controlled most roading and
traffic, provided most car-parking, operated the Britomart bus terminal and had
a vested interest in maintaining the health of the central business district.
Furthermore, throughout the seventies the mayor, Sir Dove-Myer Robinson,
passionately believed that only a modern rapid rail system could reverse the
alarming decline in public transport usage -- 22% of commuters in 1963 forecast
to drop to 10% in 2000. To Robbie's dismay a financial commitment by the 1972-75
Labour government was disavowed by its National successor. Thereafter the
Council was left to agonize over whether to encourage or discourage car
commuting, build more carparking buildings, suspend the Western bus terminal
plan while embarking on an ambitious scheme for Britomart which fell with the
1987 stockmarket crash, and belatedly give attention to suburban traffic
congestion. The Auckland Regional Authority's 1989 adoption of light rail for
the southern and western corridors received the Council's endorsement.
In the community's interest
With few exceptions, the
Council's multiplicity of regulatory and service delivery functions became ever
more demanding. The 1964 code of by-laws, which contained 3,124 items became
steadily less possible to administer: its 243-page replacement came into effect
in 1988. Areas high in controversy were restraint of excessive noise, fighting
motor vehicle-induced air pollution, fencing of swimming pools, smoking in
public places, and dangerous dogs. The exemplary Traffic Department reached new
levels of efficiency only to be underhandedly nationalised by the Labour
Government in 1989. As regards roading, noteworthy were the construction of
Mayoral Drive (1985) and the Upper Queen St link (1987) and removal of the Quay
St rail tracks (1989). Traffic calming measures in residential suburban streets
became common. Refuse disposal was hard to get right. Multiwall paper bags
replaced rubbish bins (1979), the collection service was privatised in 1979, and
an overworked compost plant closed in 1986. The Council found the promotion of
recycling to be a mixed bag. Notwithstanding the delicensing of domestic meat
killing in 1979, the abattoir remained the largest such facility in New Zealand
and in 1988 actually purchased a private meatworks in Pukekohe. A long link with
history was severed when the Council vacated responsibility for care of the
dead: the mortuary was transferred to the Hospital Board in 1979 and Waikumete
Cemetery to the Waitakere City Council in 1989.
Living by more than bread alone
Cultural and
recreational facilities stayed in an expanding mode. The library skilfully
adapted to an electronic world, extended its services to six neighbouring local
bodies and celebrated its centenary in 1980 with publication of a splendid
history. The art gallery survived a tempestuous decade of administrative
upheavals and still managed to mount superb special exhibitions. Its physical
renaissance in the mid 1980s almost doubled the exhibition space. For too long
the needs of the ageing Town Hall were lost in the forbidding shadow of the
Aotea Centre, but eventually in 1988 the Council bit the bullet and resolved on
its massive $40,000,000 restoration as a dazzling period showpiece. As to parks
and reserves, there was always much occurring: indeed, there was even debate as
to how many -- 200 to 300 -- parks the Council actually controlled. It added --
the coast-to-coast walkway; the Tahuna Torea nature reserve; the people in
parks's programme; the reconstruction of Western Springs Stadium; the MOTAT
tramline: it subtracted -- Motuihe and Brown's Island transferred to the Hauraki
Gulf Maritime Park Board (1968 ) and 2,000 hectares of Waitakere Ranges reserves
to the Auckland regional Authority (1983); it upgraded -- most notably Western
Springs and the zoo; and once it just watched transfixed as the Bastion Point
protest erupted in 1977.
Approaches to community development
On balance, the role of
developing and sustaining the community took firmer root. The Council appointed
New Zealand's first community advisor in 1970 and thereafter a welfare
capability was energetically engineered but needed to tread a delicate political
path. Urban renewal in Freeman's Bay struggled forward, a token housebuilding
role was retained, emergency housing was vigorously promoted (as long as
Government subsidies flowed), and by 1984 the pensioner housing stock totalled
over 800 units. The community advisory bureaux multiplied and matured so that in
1981 one-sixth of citizens approached them for assistance. Community centres
popped up everywhere, by 1986 sixteen providing vibrant focal points for
community activity and dynamism. What really made a dramatic difference was
entering into the providing of programmes for youth at the youth resource centre,
expansion into daycare facilities and programmes for children, and for a decade
from 1975, a practical fight to combat unemployment.
What is the CBD's real value?
What had long been
happening to the central area gave the Council nightmares. It was very special
financially, politically, economically and culturally, yet was steadily being
drained of residents, workers, industry, commerce and shops by complex forces
mostly beyond the Council's control. Its record in the two decades from 1970 was
at best a well-meant but often unsure attempt to stem the adverse tide. At worst
it actually dug channels which allowed that tide to advance. To be fair, some
potent weapons for shaping the central area's destiny -- the public transport
system, control of the harbourside, the snaking motorway network -- were in
other hands. So while were was plenty of sophisticated planning and
theoretically beneficial ideas, a relationship with practical outcomes was
always tenuous. So the Council tried pedestrian malls, saving a few historic
buildings but not others, granting development rate relief, expanding carparking
space, prettifying Queen Street, and tinkering with the orphan-like Queen
Elizabeth II Square. And above all, in 1990 it finally built the Aotea
(Cultural) Centre. That, however, was small beer compared to what havoc the
frenzied office building boom wrought to downtown Auckland between 1983 and
1987. The answer to the question of whether the City could have `saved' the
central area, let alone creatively sculpted a superior version, depends on one's
standpoint.
Cheering for itself and Auckland
The Council became more
adept at promoting itself and the City it cradled and it generally reaped a good
harvest from its investment in the maintenance of workable relationships with
those crossing its path. A press officer's position created in 1977 was soon
upgraded to Marketing and Public Affairs Manager. One of the products was a logo
-- `Auckland City, Caring for You'. Annual reports to ratepayers became chatty
and information leaflets abounded. Slow to gather momentum -- little happened
for a decade after Los Angeles was embraced in 1972 -- the sister cities'
programme leapt forward with the forging of links with Fukuoka (1986), Brisbane
(1988) and Guangzhou (1989). In boosting the chosen `Auckland Alive' image, the
Council sponsored an urbanisation conference (1975), the fiesta (1984-87),
heavily supported the Auckland Public Relations Office, and finally became a
nuclear-free zone (1983). And the City Council, especially the Mayor, Cath
Tizard, was instrumental in securing the 1990 Commonwealth Games for Auckland.
Another of the friendly faces of Council was as a benefactor: it gave grants and
loans (though never funded from rates) to an astounding variety of local
endeavours and causes. Its unfriendly face as a rates collector was a prime
target during the `rates rebellion' of 1978-80. Relationships were normally
cordial with the Government (although strained over blame for the 1984 Queen St
riot), edgy with the Auckland Regional Authority and abrasive with the Auckland
Harbour Board when land development was involved. Having established fourteen
community committees in 1974, the Council intermittently had misgivings about
its offspring causing more trouble then they were worth. Somewhat tied down in
the 1980s, they survived.
Coping with the Aotea Centre and reorganisation
From the mid 1980s two
topics exercised enormous sway over the Council's strategic agenda: they were
the building of the Aotea Centre and the restructuring of the local government
system. Understandably, both became preoccupations, but woven around them are
such tangled political, financial and psychological webs as to make even a
satisfactory summarising impossible. Originally conceived in 1910, resurrected
in 1970 as a centennial project, and seemingly destined only to generate
reports, the concept of a worthy civic centre crowned by a superb auditorium had
repeatedly proven too big to handle. But it also flatly refused to lie down. A
frightening obstacle course confronted it -- political opposition from many
quarters; Government indifference; an unfavourable poll; dumping of the
principal contractor midstream; a 100% cost overrun; and an Audit Office
investigation. Rather touchingly, the Aotea Centre was declared finished and
ready on the same day that a restructured City Council legally began its
existence. And that -- the formal abolition of the City Council founded in 1871
and its merging with eight other isthmus local bodies as the final local act in
the revolutionary restructuring of the national local government system in 1989
-- is a watershed history in itself.
G.W.A. Bush 5.8.98